Tracking the Promises: Canada’s Contributions to UN Peacekeeping

Dr. Walter Dorn, 20 August 2019
Using the latest monthly UN  data for 31 July 2019

Upon election, Justin Trudeau promised that Canada would re-engage in UN peacekeeping. The Prime Minister gave explicit instructions to Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan to achieve this in a Mandate letter (12 November 2015). The government made major pledges at the Peacekeeping Ministerial in London, UK, on 8 September 2016 (pdf). The Prime Minister made additional pledges at the Peacekeeping Ministerial in Vancouver on 15 November 2017.  In 2019, after the third ministerial in New York on 29 March, how is  Canada doing on its promised re-engagement?

This webpage (also available here) tracks the status of  implementation of these government promises on UN peacekeeping using easily measurable statistics, the latest figures, and benchmark data for key commitments and past contributions. It draws conclusions for each promise and conclusions overall.



Uniformed Personnel
Women in Peacekeeping
Uniformed Personnel at UN Headquarters
Training for UN Operations
Intellectual/Political/Policy Contributions
Government’s Self-Evaluation


Pledge: Up to 750 uniformed personnel (600 military and 150 police) (2016 London Ministerial: pdf). This should be in addition to what Canada deployed at the time (112), as is required for the pledging conference (new contributions).  So the total would be approximately 860 maximum.

Current status: 150 Canadian uniformed personnel deployed (UN figures, pdf). This includes the 107 Canadian personnel in the MINUSMA mission, a contribution that started in July 2018 for one year (with aeromedical unit announced on 18 June 2019 to stay an additional month to 30 August 2019). The Canadian defence department (DND) has over the past year frequently stated that the number deployed in Mali is “approximately 250 personnel.” The discrepancy between UN and Canadian statistics arises because Canada generously deploys more personnel on this mission than the UN pays for. (The UN has standards for the number of deployed for a given function that are much lower than what Canada deemed was required.) So the additional Canadian personnel (approx. 100) were considered part of a “National Support Element” (NSE), which is not reimbursed, though these personnel still wear UN insignia and are incorporated into the mission as part of the regular UN chain of command.

Table 1. Number of Canadian uniformed personnel (recent history and last UN report)

Date     Military     Police     Total Source Comment
2015 Oct 31        27        89      116 UN, 2015 (pdf) Conservative gov
(last official figures)
2016 Aug 31        28        84      112 UN, 2016 (pdf) Contribution when pledge of additional 750 uniformed personnel was made
2017 Oct 31        23        39        62 UN, 2017 (pdf) At time of Vancouver Ministerial (last official figures beforehand)
2018 May 31        19        21        40 UN, 2018 (pdf) Lowest number of uniformed personnel (lowest police contribution since 1992 and lowest military contribution since 1956)
2019 July 31       122       28        150 UN, 2019 (pdf) Majority of military personnel are with Mali deployment (98). The non-Mali military contribution  remains very small (24). Canada increased police over the last month: currently 19 police in Haiti and 9 in Mali (up from 5 last month).


Figure 1. Contribution by month, from 2005 to 2019 (July), showing governments in power at the time

Canadians Pkg Graph 2005 2019 Jul UN Data 31July2019

Historical benchmarks: Canada was a leader in providing personnel to UN peacekeeping from its early days, e.g., providing the first chief of the first observer mission, BGen Harry Angle of UNMOGIP (Kashmir), created in April 1948. Canada proposed the first peacekeeping force: UNEF in Egypt and made major contributions, including battalion-sized contributions throughout the life of the mission (1956–67). It also helped create the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP), to which Canada contributed large units (battalions) for about 30 years (1964–1993). Canada was the only country to contribute to ALL peacekeeping operations during the Cold War and remained a top contributor into the early 1990s. In 1993, Canada deployed 3,300 uniformed personnel in UN missions (including Bosnia, Cambodia, Mozambique, and Somalia). Canada contributed approx. 200 logisticians to the UN Disengagement Observer Force in Golan Heights (UNDOF, in Syria) from its creation in 1974 until 2006, when the Harper government withdrew them (see decline in Figure 1).  So during the half-century 1956-2006, Canada always maintained at least 200 uniformed personnel in peacekeeping, and the average for the period was well over 1,000 (see Figure A2 in Annex below). In March 2006, shortly after the Harper government came to power, the UN contribution dropped to 120 personnel.

When President Barak Obama co-hosted the Leaders’ Summit on Peacekeeping at UN headquarters on 28 September 2015, Canada made no pledge. That same night, in an election debate, Liberal leader Justin Trudeau criticised the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper, saying: “The fact that Canada has nothing to contribute to that conversation today is disappointing because this is something that a Canadian Prime Minister started, and right now there is a need to revitalize and refocus and support peacekeeping operations ….”

Before his election in October 2015, Trudeau criticized the Conservative government of Stephen Harper for a decline in number of uniformed personnel (rank 66th on the list of contributors in September 2015).  Surprisingly, the Trudeau government let the contribution fall further for over two years until Canada reach its lowest rank ever: 81st (31 May 2018).  The rank increased substantially in July 2018 with the addition of 134 mil personnel in Mali (as counted by the UN). The current rank is 63rd (just ahead of Turkey and behind Greece).

Conclusion: Canada finally contributed a military unit to UN peacekeeping in 2018, the largest since 2005 and only the third time contributing a unit since 2005 (both other units were short one-time (no rotations) deployments in Haiti). The number of uniformed personnel deployed is now greater than what it was when the Harper government ended in October 2015. Canada has finally contributed some of the additional personnel promised in 2016. But instead of being at 860, Canada is at 150 uniformed personnel –– using the latest UN numbers. (NB: Canada has assigned additional personnel to the air task force in Mali that are not under the Canada-UN MOU and hence not counted by the UN.) Following the Defence and Foreign Ministers’ announcement on 19 March 2018 that Canada will contribute to the UN mission in Mali, Canada provided an aviation task force of 8 helicopters (three Chinooks and five Griffons). This is a substantial military contribution with high quality assets. The initial Vancouver pledge was made as a “smart pledge,” which means”helping to eliminate critical gaps” between rotations but Canada is still leaving a gap until the next country (Romania) takes over the responsibility in mid-October 2019. So the pledge was not so “smart.” Furthermore, the police contribution reached the lowest point since 1992 (just 15 police officers) in November 2018 (see Figure 1).  It is currently at 28 officers, though the authorized ceiling is much higher (150 overall, with 20 for UN mission in Mali, and 35 for misison in Haiti; see RCMP current operations).



Promise: to promote more women in peacekeeping. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau: “We are equally committed to increasing the number of women that we deploy as part of UN peace operations.” Vancouver ministerial, “Canada to deploy more women to peacekeeping missions, says Trudeau” (Youtube, 1:13). A specific pledge was “titled Women in Peace Operations Pilot – ‘The Elsie initiative.'”

Table 2. Number of Canadian uniformed women in peacekeeping (benchmark data and the latest figures)

Date      Military
        Total Source Comment
2015 Oct 31           1          20            21 UN, 2015(pdf) Conservative gov  (last official figures)
2016 Aug 31           2          13            15 UN, 2016 (pdf) At time of London ministerial (last official figures before meeting)
2017 Oct 31           2           6             8  UN, 2017 (pdf) At time of Vancouver Ministerial (last official figures before meeting)
2019 July 31
           16            38 UN, 2019(pdf)
22 women military personnel (17 in MINUSMA; 3 in South Sudan; 1 in Congo; 1 in Cyprus); 22 of 122 military personnel (18%); 16 of 28 police personnel (57%)(13 in Haiti, 3 in Mali);
Overall: 38 of 150 (25%)


Current status:

The Trudeau government is providing 38 women uniformed personnel: 17 military women in Mali, 3 military women in South Sudan, 1 military women in D.R. Congo; and 13 police women in Haiti, and 3 police women in Mali. This is more than the 21 women that the Harper government provided at the end of its term. In previous months, if National Support Element in Mali is included, the number of Canadian women increase substantially. The percentage of Canadian uniformed women on peacekeeping is high (25%) compared to other countries, with the UN average being (approx): 5% for military personnel, and 10% for police). Although the UN has no target for troops, it has set a target of 16% for SOs and MILOBs in 2019 (starting 2018 at 15% and increasing 1% each year thereafter to 2028; UN Security Council resolution 2242 (2015) called for a doubling number of women by 2020).

Canada’s 2017/18 Progress Report states: “Dedicated efforts were made to recruit women for the Canadian deployment to the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), resulting in women making up 14% of the Canadian contingent, including the task force deputy commander, and to ensure gender responsive action through the deployment of a gender advisor.”

The Government has released a 2017/18 Progress Report on its Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda. It states: “Of the 45 Canadian police newly deployed to international peace operations during the fiscal year [2017/18], women made up 18%, as compared to 14% the previous year.18” [footnote 18: “Of the total 70 police in deployment during the fiscal year, women represented on average 19% in fiscal year 2017–2018 and 18% in 2016–2017. The target is 20%, which equals the UN goal.”] It seems there has been some backsliding in 2018/19.

Canadian Gender Advisors (GENADs) are deployed with Op PRESENCE and UNMISS (South Sudan).


Canada is setting a good example, with 18% of its UN military personnel being women, well above the UN average.  For Staff Officer/MilObs deployed, Canada has 7 out of 23 (30%), well exceeding the UN goal of 16% for 2019. Canada’s  Vancouver pledge (especially the financial incentives) holds promise to increase the number of women military personnel provided by other countries. There is slow progress on the other pledges on women, peace and security (WPS):

– Elsie initiative: two countries have been designated to serve in a pilot project: Ghana and Zambia (Freeland, Sept 2018) but actual training and mentoring activities have not commenced in the year-and-a-half after the initiative was announced. The Global Elsie Fund was launched at the UN on 28 March 2019, co-organized with UN Women. The first grants will not be announced until November 2019.

– A pledge of C$ 21 m was made in Vancouver for WPS in UN peace operations. This includes contributions to the UN’s trust fund for victims of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA). Whether the funds were actually dispersed is not known.

– More broadly, “A new WPS Chiefs of Defence Network was launched by Canada, the United Kingdom and Bangladesh to share best practices and compare progress in addressing barriers and challenges to integrating WPS in national militaries. Canada will succeed the United Kingdom as chair of the Network in [July] 2019.” (WPS CHODS website)


After years of slow or no progress, in 2019 Canada is finally making an impact both by example in the percentage of women deployed (25%) and in the programmes that are finally being implemented, especially the Elsie initiative, which should start dispersing funds in late 2019.



Pledge: While no specific pledge has been made in this regard, service at UN headquarters provides an important way to make a significant contribution, to gain experience in UN planning, procedures, and priorities, and to view the inner workings of the world organization. Positions to support UN peacekeeping should be in Department of Peace Operations (DPO) or the Department of Support (DOS). For the military, the placement would be within the Office of Military Affairs (OMA) within DPO.

Current status (military)
UN employment: (out of more than 120 personnel serving from over 70 countries)
Gratis personnel: 1

Background: Canada provided the Military Adviser to the Secretary-General (MilAd, who is head of OMA) from 1992 to 1995 (Maurice Baril, Major-General at the time, later Canadian Chief of Defence Staff). The last leadership post held by Canada in OMA was Chief, Military Planning Service (Col. Dave Barr, serving 2011-2015).

Current status (Canadian police in UN Police Dvision)
UN employment: 0
In a major advance, Gilles Michaud, formerly with the RCMP, has been appointed (30 May 2019) Under-Secretary-General for Safety and Security.  Although the position is won on merit, it is usual for governments to support their citizens who are seeking such high-level positions.

Conclusion: Canada is lagging far behind other nations.



Pledge: while no international pledge was made by Canada, the Prime Minister did request his defence minister to provide “mission commanders” for the UN. Canada has not yet done so.

Historical Background: The UN’s first chief military observer (BGen Harry Angle in UNMOGIP) and its first Force Commander (MGen E.L.M. Burns in UNEF) were Canadians. Canada provided seven force commanders in the 1990s but none since. Canada was offered the opportunity to submit candidates for force commanders in the D.R. Congo and Mali in the new century but did not commit. The highest ranking position in the twenty-first century has been the Force Chief of Staff (military) in MINUSTAH (Haiti), 2005-2017.

Status: Canada lost its most significant military position in UN missions with the end of MINUSTAH (colonel position as Chief of Staff) in 2017 when the mission was converted to MINUJUSTH. However, Canada did retain the role of police commissioner in the successor mission (MINUSUTH). Canada lost the major opportunity to provide the Force Commander for the Mali (MINUSMA) mission in January 2017 when it continued to dither and delay on the Mali mission, with Cabinet unable to commit. A force package for Mali was only delivered a year-and-a-half later. The Force Commander position went to a Major-General Jean-Paul Deconinck of Belgium and two years later to Lieutenant-General Gyllensporre from Sweden.

Aside: On the civilian side, two Canadians host positions of mission leadership (Special Representative of the Secretary-General or SRSG): Colin Stewart leading the UN mission in Western Sahara (MINURSO) (since Dec 2017) and Elizabeth Spehar leading (since April 2016) the UN peacekeeping force in Cyprus (UNFICYP). But these leaders are not provided by or seconded from the Canadian government. They are part of the international civil service, individually recruited by the United Nations.

Conclusion:  In terms of providing military leadership of UN missions, this is a major failure for Canada, especially given the illustrious history of past contributions and the contributions of other middle-power nations (including Ireland and Norway, fellow contendors for a Security Council seat 2021-22). The opportunity to lead the Mali mission was missed catastrophically.


Pledges: Made as part of the “Contribution of police and up to 600 military personnel” (2017 Vancouver commitment, “advancing” the London pledge):
Tactical Airlift Support [C130 aircraft]
Aviation Task Force
Quick Reaction Force (QRF) [approx. 200 personnel]
New Police missions being examined [vague]

Status: only one of these pledges has been honoured (the aviation task force, currently deployed in Mali). All the others are not yet implemented.  A transport aircraft unit (C-130) was promised for UN service, based in Entebbe, supposedly to be deployed by August 2018, but that plan fall into limbo (CBC, 5 September 2018) and the agreement was only signed in August 2019.  The plane is only offered for five days a month, diverting form the NATO mission in Iraq. The plans for the deployment of a QRF for the Golan Heights (UNDOF) is being examined as a possibility. Nine police officers are now deployed to the Mali mission.

Conclusion: only a fraction of the pledge has been fulfilled and with the Mali deployment being so short, Canada is letting down the UN in terms of the provision of smart services.


Canada has for decades paid its UN dues “on time, in full, and without conditions,” unlike countries such as the US, which regularly defaults in all three aspects (see Williams, 2018). Canada very seldom misses the January deadlines for payment of its mandatory UN dues, including the peacekeeping contributions (2.9% of the UN peacekeeping budget, making Canada the 9th largest contributor on the assessment scale). So Canada, under both Liberal and Conservative governments, is to be praised for this financial consistency in UN support over many decades. In addition, Canada is contributing advanced helicopters to the UN mission in Mali at a discounted rate, while also providing personnel (over 100) at no cost to the United Nations.  In this one mission (MINUSMA in Mali), Canada is currently quite generous, though it is not filling the gap until the arrival of the next contingent.

In giving extra-budgetary, voluntary funds (roughly $2 million per year) to the UN, Canada is supporting some worthwhile projects, including the establishment of a training Joint Operations Centre (“mock JOC”, $0.5 million) in Entebbe, Uganda, to allow individuals to train on the UN’s procedures, including the new situational awareness programme (“UniteAware”).

Conclusion: Canada is continuing its positive record of financial contributions.


Mandate Letter: includes “leading an international effort to improve and expand the training of military and civilian personnel deployed on peace operations”

Pledge (Vancouver):
“Innovative Training”
“Training activities to meet systemic UN needs”
“Canadian Training and Advisory Team” (to be established)


The Canadian government is currently less well equipped to lead in training for UN peacekeeping since so few Canadian military personnel have deployed in such operations over the past two decades. In addition, the training and education within the Canadian Armed Forces on UN peacekeeping has also declined, with the number of activities less than a quarter of what they were in 2005 (see study: Dorn and Libben, Preparing for Peace? 2018, html or pdf or the longer 2015 version: htmlpdf). The closure of the Pearson Centre in 2013 left Canada without a place to train military, police and civilians together. The Peace Support Training Centre (PSTC) in Kingston devotes only a small fraction of its efforts to training for UN missions (1 course out of 9) and its trianing is done on an individual not unit level, and is at the tractical level.

The Government announced on 29 May 2018 (International Day of UN Peacekeepers) financial contributions for peacekeeping training to two institutions: École de Maintien de la Paix Alioune Blondin Beye de Bamako (EMP Bamako), and Peace Operations Training Institute (POTI, US-based). Each institution was offered $1 million. This does not demonstrate international leadership but it does assist these two particular institutions financially.

As part of the Elsie Initiative for women in peace operations, Canada is planning in the near future help train women in Zambia (police) and Ghana (military). This programme was announced in November 2017 but is  not expected to start the training programmes before the 2019 elections.

The United Nations was counting on Canada to provide trainers for its courses at the Regional Services Centre Entebbe (RSCE) in October 2018 but Canada did not send the promised trainers. Also, Canadian assistance to the Women’s Outreach Course of the UN Signals Academy (UNSA), located at RSCE, has not yet materialized, even though the Elsie Initiative would seem to be an ideal source of funds, given the Initiative’s goal of increasing women’s participation in peacekeeping. However, Canada has announced that it will provide $500,000 to the UN for a Joint Operations Centre (JOC) simulation (“mock JOC”) that is planned to enhance training in Entebe.

Conclusion: very litte of the promised leadership has been shown.


Canada provided great contributions to the evolution of UN policies and practice in the past, with the creation of the first peacekeeping mission (UNMOGIP, 1948) and especially the first peacekeeping forces (UNEF, 1956 and UNFICYP 1964). Later it led in the development of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P, 2001), the Protection of Civilians (POC, 1999) and human security more generally. It also helped pioneer the use of panels of experts for sanctions monitoring (e.g., Angola 1999), which often happen in conjunction with peace operations.

During the tenure of the Harper government, no intellectual initiatives were undertaken, even as the UN made tremendous progress in developing POC, peacekeeping-intelligence, as well as better training and equipping of peacekeepers. The Trudeau government made a major contribution in one area: child soldiers. Thanks mostly to the work of the Romeo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative, the Vancouver Principles on “Peacekeeping and Preventing the Recruitment and Use of Child Soldiers” were adopted at the 2017 Vancouver ministerial and have been endorsed by over 80 countries. The contribution to Women, Peace and Security has been more by example (percentage women deployed in 2019) and financial contributions (though yet to be dispersed) than by intellectual contribution. In the area of peacekeeping technology, Canada did provide the UN with one gratis personnel for one year (Walter Dorn, 2017-18), who served as the UN’s Innovation and Protection Technology Expert.

Conclusion: With the exception of the Vancouver Principles on child soldiers, led by the Dallaire initiative, little or no intellectual leadership in peacekeeping has been shown by the government.


The government provides its own self-evaluation of the results of its promises (from the PM’s mandate letters) at, which redirects to  In October 2018, it listed the peacekeeping commitments as “Underway – on track” (defined as “progress toward completing this commitment is unfolding as expected”). In December 2018, this was changed to “Actions taken, progress made.”



The government’s October 2018 self-evaluation that its peacekeeping promises are “on track” was inaccurate, if not outright false. The government’s downgraded self-evaluation of “actions taken, progress made” (12 January 2019) is more accurate but also indicates how far the reality is from the promises. Only one mission has been added since 2015: the Mali mission, where 98 military personnel are deployed, according the UN numbers (31 July 2019).

Ironically, the same month that Canada hosted a peacekeeping pledging conference (Vancouver, November 2017), the number of Canadian uniformed personnel in UN peacekeeping was lower than at any other point since the creation of the first peacekeeping force in 1956. It decreased even further in the months afterwards (to 40 in May 2018). Even with the increase in Mali (July 2018 to August 2019), the average monthly contribution of the Trudeau government since it assumed power in 2015 is less than that of the previous government”: on average, 114 uniformed personnel for the Trudeau government 2015-19 and 157 for the Harper government, 2006-15.

The Mali deployment may or may not signal a “re-engagement” in UN peace operations since the deployment of the aviation task force is relatively short-term (one year plus one month) and was not renewed. As noted, Canada announced on 19 March 2018 that it would provide the UN mission in Mali with an aviation task force of 6 helicopters and an aeromedical team. The deployment came to 8 helicopters after negotiations with UN headquarters. This substantial contribution became fully operational in August 2018 but the commitment was of short duration (less than the countries that preceded Canada). Furthermore, it was not a complete replacement for the German capability that was withdrawn in June 2018 after one-and-a-half years of service. And even with the Mali contribution, Canada’s maximum contribution during Trudeau’s term was just one-third (roughly) of Canada’s pledged military contribution (up to 600 personnel). Furthermore, the promised Quick Reaction Force is not deploying quickly, taking over 18 months since it was pledged with no deployment date (or place) in sight. Similarly, a new mission for Canadian police contributions has not yet been announced, though the number of police in Mali has increased. During Trudeau’s term, Canada reached the lowest police contribution since 1992 (15 personnel in November 2018) but has increased since (to 28). For the promised deployment of C-130 (Hercules) aircraft to Entebbe, a creative proposal to serve multiple UN missions, the UN-Canada MOU took almost two years to negotiate.  Though August 2018 was the expected deployment month for the service, the agreement was not reached until mid-August 2019 and the actual start date is after that. With the Air Force making the majority of the UN contribution, the  Army has been left in limbo, having deployed no units to UN peace operations during Trudeau’s term.

Canada is now doing better on on deploying women in peacekeeping, 25% of deployed Canadian uniformed personnel being women, according to UN stats. But the total number of women deployed will fall back in August 2019, after the end of the Mali mission. Outside of the Mali mission, only 5 military women are deployed in peacekeeping operations.

The Trudeau government is not “back” and it is certainly not on track to meet its promises. Canada has not re-engaged, though a substantial commitment was made with the one mission in Mali. The rhetoric remains lofty on paper and in speeches but the Canadian government has yet to match its words with deeds. Canada is not leading by example and has defaulted on its own advice to the world: “The time for change is now and we must be bold” (Minister Sajjan’s speech to UN Security Council, 28 March 2018).


This webpage is updated on a monthly basis (around mid-month, after UN statistics for the previous month-end are released). A copy of this page can be found at



Canada, Department of National Defence (DND), “Pledges,” 2017 UN Peacekeeping Defence Ministerial, Vancouver,

Canada, Department of National Defence (DND), Directorate of History and Heritage (DHH),

Canada, Department of National Defence (DND),”Minister Sajjan Reaffirms Peace Operations Pledge at UN Defence Ministerial,” (quote: “Canada stands ready to deploy up to 600 Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) personnel for future UN peace operations.”), 8 September 2016.

Canada, House of Commons Standing Committee on National Defence, “Canada’s Role in International Peace Operations and Conflict Resolution,” 2019 (pdf, 2 MB) (Fr: pdf)

Canada, Prime Minister, “Canada bolsters peacekeeping and civilian protection measures,” News Release, 15 November 2017,

Canada, Privy Council, “Mandate Letter Tracker: Delivering results for Canadians,”, accessed 8 February 2018.

Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, “Canada offering 200 ground troops for future UN peacekeeping operations,”, 15 November 2017. Trudeau Quote from Ministerial (15 November 2017): “We are making all these pledges today, because we believe in the United Nations and we believe in peacekeeping,” he said. “What we will do is step up and make the contributions we are uniquely able to provide.”, “Peacekeeping,”

Dorn, A. Walter and Joshua Libben, “Preparing for peace: Myths and realities of Canadian peacekeeping training,”International Journal, Vol. 73, Iss. 2, pp. 257-281 (26 July 2018) (htmlpdf). (Longer 2016 Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA) and the Rideau Institute report: htmlpdf)

Durch, William J., The Evolution of UN Peacekeeping: Case Studies and Comparative Analysis, St Martin’s Press, New York, 1993.

Sajjan, Harjit (Defence Minister), Address to the UN Security Council, 28 March 2018, video at, 42:00-51:44.

Trudeau, Justin (Prime Minister), Minister of National Defence Mandate Letter (12 November 2015):

Trudeau, Justin (Prime Minister), Minister of Foreign Affairs (update of 1 February 2017):

United Kingdom, “UN Peacekeeping Defence Ministerial: London 2016,” Final Report (pdf).

United Kingdom, “UN Peacekeeping Ministerial – pledge slides (PPT)” (pdf),

United Nations (UN), “Troop and Police Contributors,”

United Nations (UN), Department of Peacekeeping Operations / Department of Field Support, “Current and Emerging Uniformed Capability Requirements for United Nations Peacekeeping,” issued periodically, including December 2016 (pdf), May 2017 (pdf) and August 2017 (pdf).

United Nations (UN), Department of Public Information (DPI), The Blue Helmets: A Review of United Nations Peace-Keeping, 2nd ed.. (New York, N.Y.), United Nations, 1992.

World Federalist Movement — Canada, “Canadians for Peacekeeping”, (includes a copy of this page at



Figure A.1: Canada’s pledges, as recorded in peacekeeping ministerials in London, Vancouver and New York

London (2016) and Vancouver new pledges (2017):

Pledges Peacekeeping Vancouver Ministerial Canada unpkdm pledges en Accessed 2Dec2017


New York (2019):

Canada Pledge PkgMinisterial NYC 29Mar2019


Figure A.2: Canadian contributions of uniformed personnel from 1950 to 2019
(maximum of each year)

Cdn Uniformed Pers UN Pkg 1950 May2019

Sources: Canada DND,, W. Durch, UN DPI


Figure A.3: Canada’s rank among nations contributing uniformed personnel to UN peacekeeping, 1991 to 2019
(Lowest rank ever, 81st, reached in May 2018, two months before the Mali deployment)

CdnPkgRank UN Data 1991 2019 17Feb2019

Figure A.4. Contribution by six-month average, from 2000 to 2018 (December), showing governments in power at the time (graphics by Munich Security Report 2019)

MSR19 Dorn CanadaPeacekeepingChart


Table A.1 Summary table of the Canadian personnel contribution to UN peace operations (31 July 2019)

Mission Troops Mil Experts Staff officer Mil Total Police Missiontotals
MINUSMA 92 6 98 9 107
UNMISS 4 7 11 11
UNTSO 4 4 4
Totals 92 9 21 122 28 150